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The origins of the position are found in constitutional changes that occurred during the Revolutionary Settlement — and the resulting shift of political power from the Sovereign to Parliament.

By the s the Westminster system of government or cabinet government had emerged; the Prime Minister had become primus inter pares or the first among equals in the Cabinet and the head of government in the United Kingdom.

The political position of Prime Minister was enhanced by the development of modern political parties, the introduction of mass communication inexpensive newspapers, radio, television and the internet , and photography.

Prior to , the Prime Minister sometimes came from the House of Lords , provided that his government could form a majority in the Commons.

However as the power of the aristocracy waned during the 19th century the convention developed that the Prime Minister should always sit in the lower house.

As leader of the House of Commons , the Prime Minister's authority was further enhanced by the Parliament Act of which marginalised the influence of the House of Lords in the law-making process.

Certain privileges, such as residency of 10 Downing Street , are accorded to Prime Ministers by virtue of their position as First Lord of the Treasury.

The status of the position as Prime Minister means that the incumbent is consistently ranked as one of the most powerful and influential people in the world.

The Prime Minister is the head of the United Kingdom government. In addition, the Prime Minister leads a major political party and generally commands a majority in the House of Commons the lower House of the legislature.

The incumbent wields both significant legislative and executive powers. Under the British system, there is a unity of powers rather than separation.

In an executive capacity, the Prime Minister appoints and may dismiss all other Cabinet members and ministers , and co-ordinates the policies and activities of all government departments, and the staff of the Civil Service.

The Prime Minister also acts as the public "face" and "voice" of Her Majesty's Government, both at home and abroad.

Solely upon the advice of the Prime Minister, the Sovereign exercises many statutory and prerogative powers, including high judicial, political, official and Church of England ecclesiastical appointments; the conferral of peerages and some knighthoods, decorations and other important honours.

The British system of government is based on an uncodified constitution , meaning that it is not set out in any single document.

In , Prime Minister H. Asquith described this characteristic of the British constitution in his memoirs:. In this country we live It is true that we have on the Statute-book great instruments like Magna Carta, the Petition of Right, and the Bill of Rights which define and secure many of our rights and privileges; but the great bulk of our constitutional liberties and They rest on usage, custom, convention, often of slow growth in their early stages, not always uniform, but which in the course of time received universal observance and respect.

The relationships between the Prime Minister and the Sovereign, Parliament and Cabinet are defined largely by these unwritten conventions of the constitution.

Many of the Prime Minister's executive and legislative powers are actually royal prerogatives which are still formally vested in the Sovereign , who remains the head of state.

The position was first mentioned in statute only in , in the schedule of the Chequers Estate Act. Increasingly during the 20th century, the office and role of Prime Minister featured in statute law and official documents; however, the Prime Minister's powers and relationships with other institutions still largely continue to derive from ancient royal prerogatives and historic and modern constitutional conventions.

Prime Ministers continue to hold the position of First Lord of the Treasury and, since November , that of Minister for the Civil Service , the latter giving them authority over the civil service.

Under this arrangement, Britain might appear to have two executives: The concept of " the Crown " resolves this paradox. Before the " Glorious Revolution " of , the Sovereign exclusively wielded the powers of the Crown; afterwards, Parliament gradually forced monarchs to assume a neutral political position.

Parliament has effectively dispersed the powers of the Crown, entrusting its authority to responsible ministers the Prime Minister and Cabinet , accountable for their policies and actions to Parliament, in particular the elected House of Commons.

Although many of the Sovereign's prerogative powers are still legally intact, [note 1] constitutional conventions have removed the monarch from day-to-day governance, with ministers exercising the royal prerogatives, leaving the monarch in practice with three constitutional rights: Because the Premiership was not intentionally created, there is no exact date when its evolution began.

A meaningful starting point, however, is —89 when James II fled England and the Parliament of England confirmed William and Mary as joint constitutional monarchs, enacting legislation that limited their authority and that of their successors: They also provided the basis for the evolution of the office of Prime Minister, which did not exist at that time.

The Revolutionary Settlement gave the Commons control over finances and legislation and changed the relationship between the Executive and the Legislature.

For want of money, Sovereigns had to summon Parliament annually and could no longer dissolve or prorogue it without its advice and consent.

Parliament became a permanent feature of political life. Treasury officials and other department heads were drawn into Parliament serving as liaisons between it and the Sovereign.

Ministers had to present the government's policies, and negotiate with Members to gain the support of the majority; they had to explain the government's financial needs, suggest ways of meeting them and give an account of how money had been spent.

The Sovereign's representatives attended Commons sessions so regularly that they were given reserved seats at the front, known as the Treasury Bench.

This is the beginning of "unity of powers": Today the Prime Minister First Lord of the Treasury , the Chancellor of the Exchequer responsible for The Budget and other senior members of the Cabinet sit on the Treasury bench and present policies in much the same way Ministers did late in the 17th century.

After the Revolution, there was a constant threat that non-government members of Parliament would ruin the country's finances by proposing ill-considered money bills.

Vying for control to avoid chaos, the Crown's Ministers gained an advantage in , when the Commons informally declared, "That this House will receive no petition for any sum of money relating to public Service, but what is recommended from the Crown.

Empowering Ministers with sole financial initiative had an immediate and lasting impact. Apart from achieving its intended purpose — to stabilise the budgetary process — it gave the Crown a leadership role in the Commons; and, the Lord Treasurer assumed a leading position among Ministers.

The power of financial initiative was not, however, absolute. Only Ministers might initiate money bills, but Parliament now reviewed and consented to them.

Standing Order 66 therefore represents the beginnings of Ministerial responsibility and accountability.

The term "Prime Minister" appears at this time as an unofficial title for the leader of the government, usually the Head of the Treasury.

Political parties first appeared during the Exclusion Crisis of — The Whigs , who believed in limited monarchy , wanted to exclude James Stuart from succeeding to the throne because he was a Catholic.

Political parties were not well organised or disciplined in the 17th century. They were more like factions with "members" drifting in and out, collaborating temporarily on issues when it was to their advantage, then disbanding when it was not.

A major deterrent to the development of opposing parties was the idea that there could only be one "King's Party" and to oppose it would be disloyal or even treasonous.

This idea lingered throughout the 18th century. Nevertheless it became possible at the end of the 17th century to identify Parliaments and Ministries as being either "Whig" or "Tory" in composition.

The modern Prime Minister is also the leader of the Cabinet. A convention of the constitution, the modern Cabinet is a group of ministers who formulate policies.

Although the modern Prime Minister selects Ministers, appointment still rests with the Sovereign. The term "Cabinet" first appears after the Revolutionary Settlement to describe those ministers who conferred privately with the Sovereign.

The growth of the Cabinet met with widespread complaint and opposition because its meetings were often held in secret and it excluded the ancient Privy Council of which the Cabinet is formally a committee from the Sovereign's circle of advisers, reducing it to an honorary body.

However, it might also include individuals who were not members of Parliament such as household officers e. The exclusion of non-members of Parliament from the Cabinet was essential to the development of ministerial accountability and responsibility.

Both William and Anne appointed and dismissed Cabinet members, attended meetings, made decisions, and followed up on actions.

Relieving the Sovereign of these responsibilities and gaining control over the Cabinet's composition was an essential part of evolution of the Premiership.

This process began after the Hanoverian Succession. Although George I — attended Cabinet meetings at first, after he withdrew because he did not speak fluent English and was bored with the discussions.

George II — occasionally presided at Cabinet meetings but his grandson, George III — , is known to have attended only two during his year reign.

Thus, the convention that Sovereigns do not attend Cabinet meetings was established primarily through royal indifference to the everyday tasks of governance.

The Prime Minister became responsible for calling meetings, presiding, taking notes, and reporting to the Sovereign.

These simple executive tasks naturally gave the Prime Minister ascendancy over his Cabinet colleagues.

Although the first three Hanoverians rarely attended Cabinet meetings they insisted on their prerogatives to appoint and dismiss ministers and to direct policy even if from outside the Cabinet.

It was not until late in the 18th century that Prime Ministers gained control over Cabinet composition see section Emergence of Cabinet Government below.

British governments or Ministries are generally formed by one party. The Prime Minister and Cabinet are usually all members of the same political party, almost always the one that has a majority of seats in the House of Commons.

Coalition governments a ministry that consists of representatives from two or more parties and minority governments a one-party ministry formed by a party that does not command a majority in the Commons were relatively rare before the election, since there has been both a coalition and minority government.

William thought this composition would dilute the power of any one party and also give him the benefit of differing points of view. However, this approach did not work well because the members could not agree on a leader or on policies, and often worked at odds with each other.

In , William formed a homogeneous Whig ministry. Known as the Junto , this government is often cited as the first true Cabinet because its members were all Whigs, reflecting the majority composition of the Commons.

Anne — followed this pattern but preferred Tory Cabinets. This approach worked well as long as Parliament was also predominantly Tory. However, in , when the Whigs obtained a majority, Anne did not call on them to form a government, refusing to accept the idea that politicians could force themselves on her merely because their party had a majority.

Anne preferred to retain a minority government rather than be dictated to by Parliament. Consequently, her chief ministers Sidney Godolphin, 1st Earl of Godolphin and Robert Harley , who were called "Prime Minister" by some, had difficulty executing policy in the face of a hostile Parliament.

William's and Anne's experiments with the political composition of the Cabinet illustrated the strengths of one party government and the weaknesses of coalition and minority governments.

Nevertheless, it was not until the s that the constitutional convention was established that the Sovereign must select the Prime Minister and Cabinet from the party whose views reflect those of the majority in Parliament.

Since then, most ministries have reflected this one party rule. Despite the "one party" convention, Prime Ministers may still be called upon to lead either minority or coalition governments.

A minority government may be formed as a result of a " hung parliament " in which no single party commands a majority in the House of Commons after a general election or the death, resignation or defection of existing members.

By convention the serving Prime Minister is given the first opportunity to reach agreements that will allow them to survive a vote of confidence in the House and continue to govern.

The last minority government was led by Labour Prime Minister Harold Wilson for eight months after the February general election produced a hung parliament.

In the October general election , the Labour Party gained 18 seats, giving Wilson a majority of three.

A hung parliament may also lead to the formation of a coalition government in which two or more parties negotiate a joint programme to command a majority in the Commons.

Coalitions have also been formed during times of national crisis such as war. Under such circumstances, the parties agree to temporarily set aside their political differences and to unite to face the national crisis.

When the general election of produced a hung parliament, the Conservative and Liberal Democrat parties agreed to form the Cameron—Clegg coalition , the first coalition in seventy years.

The Premiership is still largely a convention of the constitution; its legal authority is derived primarily from the fact that the Prime Minister is also First Lord of the Treasury.

The connection of these two offices — one a convention, the other a legal office — began with the Hanoverian Succession in When George I succeeded to the British throne in , his German ministers advised him to leave the office of Lord High Treasurer vacant because those who had held it in recent years had grown overly powerful, in effect, replacing the Sovereign as head of the government.

They also feared that a Lord High Treasurer would undermine their own influence with the new King. They therefore suggested that he place the office in "commission", meaning that a committee of five ministers would perform its functions together.

Theoretically, this dilution of authority would prevent any one of them from presuming to be the head of the government. No one has been appointed Lord High Treasurer since ; it has remained in commission for three hundred years.

The Treasury Commission ceased to meet late in the 18th century but has survived, albeit with very different functions: Since the office evolved rather than being instantly created, it may not be totally clear-cut who was the first Prime Minister.

However, this appellation is traditionally given to Sir Robert Walpole , who became First Lord of the Treasury in In , the South Sea Company , created to trade in cotton, agricultural goods and slaves, collapsed, causing the financial ruin of thousands of investors and heavy losses for many others, including members of the royal family.

King George I called on Robert Walpole, well known for his political and financial acumen, to handle the emergency. With considerable skill and some luck, Walpole acted quickly to restore public credit and confidence, and led the country out of the crisis.

A year later, the King appointed him First Lord of the Treasury, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Leader of the House of Commons — making him the most powerful minister in the government.

Ruthless, crude, and hard-working, he had a "sagacious business sense" and was a superb manager of men. Walpole demonstrated for the first time how a chief minister — a Prime Minister — could be the actual Head of the Government under the new constitutional framework.

First, recognising that the Sovereign could no longer govern directly but was still the nominal head of the government, he insisted that he was nothing more than the "King's Servant".

Third, recognising that the Cabinet had become the executive and must be united, he dominated the other members and demanded their complete support for his policies.

Fourth, recognising that political parties were the source of ministerial strength, he led the Whig party and maintained discipline. In the Commons, he insisted on the support of all Whig members, especially those who held office.

Finally, he set an example for future Prime Ministers by resigning his offices in after a vote of confidence , which he won by just 3 votes.

The slimness of this majority undermined his power, even though he still retained the confidence of the Sovereign.

For all his contributions, Walpole was not a Prime Minister in the modern sense. Walpole set an example, not a precedent, and few followed his example.

For over 40 years after Walpole's fall in , there was widespread ambivalence about the position. In some cases, the Prime Minister was a figurehead with power being wielded by other individuals; in others there was a reversion to the "chief minister" model of earlier times in which the Sovereign actually governed.

During Britain's participation in the Seven Years' War , for example, the powers of government were divided equally between the Duke of Newcastle and William Pitt, 1st Earl of Chatham , leading to them both alternatively being described as Prime Minister.

Furthermore, many thought that the title "Prime Minister" usurped the Sovereign's constitutional position as "head of the government" and that it was an affront to other ministers because they were all appointed by and equally responsible to the Sovereign.

For these reasons there was a reluctance to use the title. Although Walpole is now called the "first" Prime Minister, the title was not commonly used during his tenure.

Walpole himself denied it. In , during the attack that led to Walpole's downfall, Samuel Sandys declared that "According to our Constitution we can have no sole and prime minister".

In his defence, Walpole said "I unequivocally deny that I am sole or Prime Minister and that to my influence and direction all the affairs of government must be attributed".

Denials of the Premiership's legal existence continued throughout the 19th century. In , for example, one member of the Commons said, "the Constitution abhors the idea of a prime minister".

In , Lord Lansdowne said, "nothing could be more mischievous or unconstitutional than to recognise by act of parliament the existence of such an office".

By the turn of the 20th century the Premiership had become, by convention, the most important position in the constitutional hierarchy.

Yet there were no legal documents describing its powers or acknowledging its existence. The first official recognition given to the office had only been in the Treaty of Berlin in , when Disraeli signed as "First Lord of the Treasury and Prime Minister of her Britannic Majesty".

As late as , Arthur Balfour explained the status of his office in a speech at Haddington: He has no statutory duties as Prime Minister, his name occurs in no Acts of Parliament, and though holding the most important place in the constitutional hierarchy, he has no place which is recognised by the laws of his country.

This is a strange paradox. In the position was given some official recognition when the "Prime Minister" was named in the order of precedence , outranked, among non-royals, only by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York , the Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland and the Lord Chancellor.

Unequivocal legal recognition was given in the Ministers of the Crown Act , which made provision for payment of a salary to the person who is both "the First Lord of the Treasury and Prime Minister".

Explicitly recognising two hundred years' of ambivalence, the Act states that it intended "To give statutory recognition to the existence of the position of Prime Minister, and to the historic link between the Premiership and the office of First Lord of the Treasury, by providing in respect to that position and office a salary of Nevertheless, the brass plate on the door of the Prime Minister's home, 10 Downing Street , still bears the title of "First Lord of the Treasury", as it has since the 18th century as it is officially the home of the First Lord and not the Prime Minister.

Despite the reluctance to legally recognise the Premiership, ambivalence toward it waned in the s. During the first 20 years of his reign, George III — tried to be his own "prime minister" by controlling policy from outside the Cabinet, appointing and dismissing ministers, meeting privately with individual ministers, and giving them instructions.

These practices caused confusion and dissension in Cabinet meetings; King George's experiment in personal rule was generally a failure.

After the failure of Lord North 's ministry — in March due to Britain's defeat in the American Revolutionary War and the ensuing vote of no confidence by Parliament, the Marquess of Rockingham reasserted the Prime Minister's control over the Cabinet.

Rockingham assumed the Premiership "on the distinct understanding that measures were to be changed as well as men; and that the measures for which the new ministry required the royal consent were the measures which they, while in opposition, had advocated.

From this time, there was a growing acceptance of the position of Prime Minister and the title was more commonly used, if only unofficially.

Lord North, for example, who had said the office was "unknown to the constitution", reversed himself in when he said, "In this country some one man or some body of men like a Cabinet should govern the whole and direct every measure.

The Tories' wholesale conversion started when Pitt was confirmed as Prime Minister in the election of For the next 17 years until and again from to , Pitt, the Tory, was Prime Minister in the same sense that Walpole, the Whig, had been earlier.

Their conversion was reinforced after In that year, George III, who had suffered periodically from mental instability possibly due to a blood disorder now known as porphyria , became permanently insane and spent the remaining 10 years of his life unable to discharge his duties.

The Prince Regent was prevented from using the full powers of Kingship. The Regent became George IV in , but during his year reign was indolent and frivolous.

Consequently, for 20 years the throne was virtually vacant and Tory Cabinets led by Tory Prime Ministers filled the void, governing virtually on their own.

The Tories were in power for almost 50 years, except for a Whig ministry from to Lord Liverpool was Prime Minister for 15 years; he and Pitt held the position for 34 years.

Under their long, consistent leadership, Cabinet government became a convention of the constitution.

Although subtle issues remained to be settled, the Cabinet system of government is essentially the same today as it was in Under this form of government, called the Westminster system , the Sovereign is head of state and titular head of Her Majesty's Government.

She selects as her Prime Minister the person who is able to command a working majority in the House of Commons, and invites him or her to form a government.

As the actual Head of Government , the Prime Minister selects his Cabinet, choosing its members from among those in Parliament who agree or generally agree with his intended policies.

He then recommends them to the Sovereign who confirms his selections by formally appointing them to their offices. Led by the Prime Minister, the Cabinet is collectively responsible for whatever the government does.

The Sovereign does not confer with members privately about policy, nor attend Cabinet meetings. With respect to actual governance, the monarch has only three constitutional rights: The modern British system includes not only a government formed by the majority party or coalition of parties in the House of Commons but also an organised and open opposition formed by those who are not members of the governing party.

Seated in the front, directly across from the ministers on the Treasury Bench, the leaders of the opposition form a "Shadow Government", complete with a salaried "Shadow Prime Minister", the Leader of the Opposition , ready to assume office if the government falls or loses the next election.

Opposing the King's government was considered disloyal, even treasonous, at the end of the 17th century. During the 18th century this idea waned and finally disappeared as the two party system developed.

In , Broughton, a Whig, announced in the Commons that he opposed the report of a Bill. As a joke, he said, "It was said to be very hard on His Majesty's ministers to raise objections to this proposition.

For my part, I think it is much more hard on His Majesty's Opposition to compel them to take this course. Sometimes rendered as the " Loyal Opposition ", it acknowledges the legitimate existence of the two party system, and describes an important constitutional concept: Informally recognized for over a century as a convention of the constitution, the position of Leader of the Opposition was given statutory recognition in by the Ministers of the Crown Act.

British Prime Ministers have never been elected directly by the public. Since , most Prime Ministers have been members of the Commons; since , all have had a seat there.

He became Prime Minister because in he was elected Labour Party leader and then led the party to victory in the general election , winning seats compared to for the Conservatives and gaining a majority in the House of Commons.

Neither the Sovereign nor the House of Lords had any meaningful influence over who was elected to the Commons in or in deciding whether or not Blair would become Prime Minister.

Their detachment from the electoral process and the selection of the Prime Minister has been a convention of the constitution for almost years. Prior to the 19th century, however, they had significant influence, using to their advantage the fact that most citizens were disenfranchised and seats in the Commons were allocated disproportionately.

In , Charles Grey , the 2nd Earl Grey and a life-long Whig, became Prime Minister and was determined to reform the electoral system.

For two years, he and his Cabinet fought to pass what has come to be known as the Great Reform Bill of As John Bright, a liberal statesman of the next generation, said, "It was not a good Bill, but it was a great Bill when it passed.

The representation of 56 rotten boroughs was eliminated completely, together with half the representation of 30 others; the freed up seats were distributed to boroughs created for previously disenfranchised areas.

However, many rotten boroughs remained and it still excluded millions of working class men and all women. Symbolically, however, the Reform Act exceeded expectations.

It is now ranked with Magna Carta and the Bill of Rights as one of the most important documents of the British constitutional tradition.

First, the Act removed the Sovereign from the election process and the choice of Prime Minister. Slowly evolving for years, this convention was confirmed two years after the passage of the Act.

Since then, no Sovereign has tried to impose a Prime Minister on Parliament. Second, the Bill reduced the Lords' power by eliminating many of their pocket boroughs and creating new boroughs in which they had no influence.

Weakened, they were unable to prevent the passage of more comprehensive electoral reforms in , , and when universal equal suffrage was established.

Ultimately, this erosion of power led to the Parliament Act of , which marginalised the Lords' role in the legislative process and gave further weight to the convention that had developed over the previous century [note 7] that a Prime Minister cannot sit in the House of Lords.

Grey set an example and a precedent for his successors. He was primus inter pares first among equals , as Bagehot said in of the Prime Minister's status.

Using his Whig victory as a mandate for reform, Grey was unrelenting in the pursuit of this goal, using every Parliamentary device to achieve it.

Although respectful toward the King, he made it clear that his constitutional duty was to acquiesce to the will of the people and Parliament.

The Loyal Opposition acquiesced too. Some disgruntled Tories claimed they would repeal the Bill once they regained a majority. But in , Robert Peel, the new Conservative leader, put an end to this threat when he stated in his Tamworth Manifesto that the Bill was "a final and irrevocable settlement of a great constitutional question which no friend to the peace and welfare of this country would attempt to disturb".

The Premiership was a reclusive office prior to The incumbent worked with his Cabinet and other government officials; he occasionally met with the Sovereign, and attended Parliament when it was in session during the spring and summer.

He never went out on the stump to campaign, even during elections; he rarely spoke directly to ordinary voters about policies and issues. After the passage of the Great Reform Bill , the nature of the position changed: Prime Ministers had to go out among the people.

The Bill increased the electorate to , As the franchise increased, power shifted to the people and Prime Ministers assumed more responsibilities with respect to party leadership.

It naturally fell on them to motivate and organise their followers, explain party policies, and deliver its "message".

Successful leaders had to have a new set of skills: They became the "voice", the "face" and the "image" of the party and ministry.

Robert Peel, often called the "model Prime Minister", [73] was the first to recognise this new role. After the successful Conservative campaign of , J.

Croker said in a letter to Peel, "The elections are wonderful, and the curiosity is that all turns on the name of Sir Robert Peel.

It's the first time that I remember in our history that the people have chosen the first Minister for the Sovereign.

Pitt's case in '84 is the nearest analogy; but then the people only confirmed the Sovereign's choice; here every Conservative candidate professed himself in plain words to be Sir Robert Peel's man, and on that ground was elected.

Benjamin Disraeli and William Ewart Gladstone developed this new role further by projecting "images" of themselves to the public.

Known by their nicknames "Dizzy" and the "Grand Old Man", their colourful, sometimes bitter, personal and political rivalry over the issues of their time — Imperialism vs.

Anti-Imperialism, expansion of the franchise, labour reform, and Irish Home Rule — spanned almost twenty years until Disraeli's death in Each created a different public image of himself and his party.

Disraeli, who expanded the Empire to protect British interests abroad, cultivated the image of himself and the Conservative Party as "Imperialist", making grand gestures such as conferring the title "Empress of India" on Queen Victoria in Gladstone, who saw little value in the Empire, proposed an anti-Imperialist policy later called "Little England" , and cultivated the image of himself and the Liberal Party as "man of the people" by circulating pictures of himself cutting down great oak trees with an axe as a hobby.

Gladstone went beyond image by appealing directly to the people. In his Midlothian campaign — so called because he stood as a candidate for that county — Gladstone spoke in fields, halls and railway stations to hundreds, sometimes thousands, of students, farmers, labourers and middle class workers.

Although not the first leader to speak directly to voters — both he and Disraeli had spoken directly to party loyalists before on special occasions — he was the first to canvass an entire constituency, delivering his message to anyone who would listen, encouraging his supporters and trying to convert his opponents.

Publicised nationwide, Gladstone's message became that of the party. Noting its significance, Lord Shaftesbury said, "It is a new thing and a very serious thing to see the Prime Minister on the stump.

Campaigning directly to the people became commonplace. After the introduction of radio, motion pictures, television, and the internet, many used these technologies to project their public image and address the nation.

Stanley Baldwin , a master of the radio broadcast in the s and s, reached a national audience in his talks filled with homely advice and simple expressions of national pride.

Two recent Prime Ministers, Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair who both spent a decade or more as prime Minister , achieved celebrity status like rock stars, but have been criticised for their more 'presidential' style of leadership.

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The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. Thomas Pelham-Holles —56; 1st time. Thomas Pelham-Holles —62; 2nd time. Charles Watson Wentworth —66; 1st time.

William Pitt , the Elder — Augustus Henry Fitzroy — Charles Watson Wentworth ; 2nd time. William Henry Cavendish-Bentinck ; 1st time.

William Pitt , the Younger —; 1st time. William Pitt , the Younger —06; 2nd time. William Wyndham Grenville — William Henry Cavendish-Bentinck —09; 2nd time.

Robert Banks Jenkinson — Frederick John Robinson — Arthur Wellesley —30; 1st time. William Lamb ; 1st time. Arthur Wellesley ; 2nd time.

Robert Peel —35; 1st time. William Lamb —41; 2nd time. Robert Peel —46; 2nd time. John Russell —52; 1st time. Edward Geoffrey Stanley ; 1st time.

Henry John Temple —58; 1st time. Edward Geoffrey Stanley —59; 2nd time. Henry John Temple —65; 2nd time. John Russell —66; 2nd time. Edward Geoffrey Stanley —68; 3rd time.

Benjamin Disraeli ; 1st time. William Ewart Gladstone —74; 1st time. Benjamin Disraeli —80; 2nd time. William Ewart Gladstone —85; 2nd time.

Robert Cecil —86; 1st time. William Ewart Gladstone ; 3rd time. Robert Cecil —92; 2nd time.

Nach der Entscheidung der britischen Wähler für den Austritt des Vereinigten Königreiches aus der Europäischen Union trat er zurück, weil er für den Verbleib plädiert hatte. Mai in dieser Version in die Liste der lesenswerten Artikel aufgenommen. Möglicherweise unterliegen die Inhalte jeweils zusätzlichen Bedingungen. Margaret Thatcher wurde zudem in verschiedenen Fernsehprogrammen, Dokumentationen, Filmen und Theaterstücken abgebildet. Danach jedoch begann sie, sich nach einem aussichtsreicheren Parlamentssitz umzusehen. Beide verband bereits seit längerem eine unterschwellige Rivalität. Neben seinem Versprechen, die inhaltliche Aufstellung und die damit gängige Wahrnehmung der Partei als elitär und altmodisch zu modernisieren, verbreiterte sein Verzicht auf einen Teleprompter und jegliche Notizen nach Einschätzung der BBC seine Stimmbasis in erheblichem Umfang. Zwar habe Hayeks intellektuelle Ablehnung des Sozialismus sicher Thatcher, Keith Joseph und weitere politische Weggefährten beeinflusst, beim Thatcherismus spiele der Hayeksche volkswirtschaftliche und makroökonomische Ansatz aber eine deutlich geringere Rolle als Friedmans Monetarismus. Ende Dezember starb er in Birch Grove im Frankreich würde so zu einer De-facto-Weltmacht aufsteigen, während die Briten ihrerseits erheblichen Einfluss auf die EWG ausüben könnten.

prime minister gb -

Broadstairs , Grafschaft Kent. Kurz bevor die Unterhauswahl angesetzt wurde, veröffentlichte sein Schattenkabinett ein Dokument, das auf einer Konferenz im Selsdon Park Hotel publiziert wurde. David Cameron heiratete am 1. PM die einzelnen Premierminister, bei Premierminister mit mehreren Amtszeiten folgen dessen persönlichen Amtszeiten Klammern. Oktober um Nach nur drei Monaten im Amt wurde er allerdings zum Schatzkanzler ernannt. Ein bedeutender Wendepunkt seines innerparteilichen Wahlkampfes war seine Nominierungsrede auf dem Parteitag selbst.

Gb prime minister -

Ansichten Lesen Bearbeiten Quelltext bearbeiten Versionsgeschichte. The Lion and the Unicorn. Peter Hitchens er gehört zum konservativen Flügel der Church of England kritisierte , Cameron habe die letzten Unterschiede zwischen seiner Partei und der etablierten Linken abgeschafft. Im zweiten Wahlgang, der am Das machte ihn indirekt zu einem Verbündeten Winston Churchills , der damals ein rebellischer Hinterbänkler der Konservativen und führender Kritiker der Appeasement-Politik war. Diesem Vorschlag wurde in der Regel entsprochen. Heath wurde im Juli zum bis dahin jüngsten Parteivorsitzenden der Konservativen und zum Fraktionsvorsitzenden seiner Partei im Unterhaus gewählt.

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